PART 1
Perhaps the most common claims of self-defense in the wake of an act of violence come from police officers who have used force as part of their job. It makes sense that with nearly 800,000 police officials in the United States working around the clock to enforce laws that they would be statistically more likely to experience episodes of violence compared to ordinary Americans. For sure they are a high profile group as recent episodes in New York and Missouri recently reminded us.
Incidents where police use force rarely go unnoticed. The law enforcement profession has in many ways been shaped by the fallout associated with police involved violence. This includes criminal liability, civil liability, media persecution and a loss of confidence by the community. To counter these effects, law enforcement officers are formally trained to capture the violent event in written form through an elaborate process of documentation. They use models and matrices to describe resistance and how it is countered by law enforcement response. This information not only serves an evidentiary role for the purpose of detailing specific facts for later review, it also provides officers with a blueprint to construct a model filled with relevant details that will ultimately become their personal defense for using force.
When a law enforcement officer uses force, including deadly force, it might be naturally assumed that it was necessary for the purpose of satisfying some law enforcement objective. This gives officers a marked advantage in any subsequent investigation.By law, police can only use force three reasons; to make arrests, prevent escapes and to protect oneself or another against harm. Officers who use force under the color of law (performing an occupational duty) have certain Constitutional and Statutory protections in place to assist them and shield them from liability. It is rare that civili liability is found against individual officers and rarer still that an officer is ever held criminally responsible for a use of force.
It may not surprise the reader to learn that police uses of force are investigated by other law enforcement officials. Depending on an agencies policies the investigation may be conducted by the same agency or fielded out to another agency for the consideration of criminal charges. Ultimately the State prosecutor, arguably an ally of law enforcement must decide whether to bring charges against the officer by direct filing criminal charges or gathering an indictment from a Grand Jury. Like any other criminal investigation this decision is based upon a finding of probable cause.
Statistically, police officers are rarely charged with crimes after using force against members of the public and the mechanics of the police investigation may help to understand why. This is not to suggest that the protections in place for law enforcement officials are sinister or corrupt. Threats faced by police are often violent, sudden and rapidly unfolding. Law enforcement officers are forced to make split-second decisions that might have life altering consequences in a fraction of a moment. They need to be protected from the clarity of 20/20 hindsight.
For decades, law enforcement agencies have developed training and policies to help guide officers actions and to help them navigate the uncertain terrain of violent encounters. They are equipped with specialized tools to help them control situations with finesse while orchestrating as peaceful an ending as possible. For all of the training, guidance and equipment the public has come to expect a lot out of its enforcers For the most part communities stand shoulder to shoulder with their officers against crime and they are often willing to accept the imperfect outcomes of police use of force.
In 2005, the State of Florida passed sweeping legislation that allowed all persons, not just police officers, to stand their ground against an imminent assault for the purpose of self defense or the defense of others. Previously, average citizens had a duty to retreat from a threat and a duty to desist from engaging an overt physical attack upon them. Stemming from English Common Law, citizens were required to retreat "until their backs were against the wall." But that all changed in response to the proliferation of home invasions and carjackings observed in the 80s and 90s. Legislators recognized the many problems associated with requiring citizens to flee from their homes or cars simply to avoid conflict with the trespasser. Rather, the news laws now allowed citizens to stand up against personal invasion and to protect themselves or their property with violence if necessary. Within a few years, several other States adopted some version of Florida’s stand your ground provisions availing new self-protection rights to millions of Americans.
The consequence of this sweeping legislation is that it brought the average citizen in a very important way on par with law enforcement officers. Though it is true that average Americans still cannot generally use physical force to make arrests or prevent a prisoner's escape, they can now use force to protect themselves or others and they can do it without first retreating or desisting from the threat of an attack. The public, including law enforcement, has been slow to realize that now many American's in Stand your Ground States have a legal right to protect themselves using force, including deadly force if necessary and are now equally protected criminally and civilly in the hindsight of the violence.
The major difference between police investigations of law enforcment use of force and civilian use of force is in the presumption that a crime has been committed during the initial onset of the investigation. As I previously noted, it is naturally assumed that when a police officer causes injury or death to another, that the use of violence was necessary to effect some lawful objective (make arrests, prevent escapes or self-defense).The investigator will often tackle the investigation looking for evidence to tell the story of why the law enforcement officer was required to use force. This is a psychological phenomena known as confirmation bias.
The police officer who was involved in the use of force is almost immediately sent home after a quick debriefing. He or she is given time to rest, collect their thoughts, talk to a union attorney or private attorney (or both), given time to sleep (generally 24-72 hours) before writing a formatted report describing his or her actions. All of this is usually done before the officer is exposed to a formal criminal interview. Quite often the police officer is provided a force matrix and specific language that is used to account for and describe the officer's reasons for using force. In other words, police officers who use force are provided significant resources by the criminal justice system to justify their actions. By the time a formal statement is given, it is highly refined and brilliantly polished in anticipation of the coming media and judicial enquiries. Again, this is not to suggest or imply that anything is wrong or corrupt with this practice. It is part of organizational professionalism to show how an officer's actions are consistent with policy and law.
Consider now what happens when a citizen uses violence in self defense. Like in the above description of events police investigators will show up to the scene to investigate. However, rather than naturally assuming the event was an act of self defense, the police investigator in the civilian case is looking for whether a crime has occurred (assault, battery, manslaughter, homicide, etc.). Raw violence often presents significant evidence that something terrible was perpetrated (blood, bruises, broken bones), particularly if the violence involves death. Without a pretext of self defense the bloody scene will often trigger a visceral effect in the investigator. Sometimes the only living witness is the one who used force and the investigator will often assume that anything that is said will be self serving. In this situation there is not a natural expectation on the part of the investigator that what they are observing might be a legal act of self defense.
The actual victim, considering that the one who used force acted in self defense, will be immediately handcuffed and read his or her rights. They will be implicitly encouraged to not speak as any thing they say can and will be used against them. They will be immediately brought to the police station in the back of a police car. They will not be released or given time to rest, they will not be provided charts and language to justify their actions. They will be presented with a criminal interview immediately and their words, if they choose to speak, will be used against them...
Perhaps the most common claims of self-defense in the wake of an act of violence come from police officers who have used force as part of their job. It makes sense that with nearly 800,000 police officials in the United States working around the clock to enforce laws that they would be statistically more likely to experience episodes of violence compared to ordinary Americans. For sure they are a high profile group as recent episodes in New York and Missouri recently reminded us.
Incidents where police use force rarely go unnoticed. The law enforcement profession has in many ways been shaped by the fallout associated with police involved violence. This includes criminal liability, civil liability, media persecution and a loss of confidence by the community. To counter these effects, law enforcement officers are formally trained to capture the violent event in written form through an elaborate process of documentation. They use models and matrices to describe resistance and how it is countered by law enforcement response. This information not only serves an evidentiary role for the purpose of detailing specific facts for later review, it also provides officers with a blueprint to construct a model filled with relevant details that will ultimately become their personal defense for using force.
When a law enforcement officer uses force, including deadly force, it might be naturally assumed that it was necessary for the purpose of satisfying some law enforcement objective. This gives officers a marked advantage in any subsequent investigation.By law, police can only use force three reasons; to make arrests, prevent escapes and to protect oneself or another against harm. Officers who use force under the color of law (performing an occupational duty) have certain Constitutional and Statutory protections in place to assist them and shield them from liability. It is rare that civili liability is found against individual officers and rarer still that an officer is ever held criminally responsible for a use of force.
It may not surprise the reader to learn that police uses of force are investigated by other law enforcement officials. Depending on an agencies policies the investigation may be conducted by the same agency or fielded out to another agency for the consideration of criminal charges. Ultimately the State prosecutor, arguably an ally of law enforcement must decide whether to bring charges against the officer by direct filing criminal charges or gathering an indictment from a Grand Jury. Like any other criminal investigation this decision is based upon a finding of probable cause.
Statistically, police officers are rarely charged with crimes after using force against members of the public and the mechanics of the police investigation may help to understand why. This is not to suggest that the protections in place for law enforcement officials are sinister or corrupt. Threats faced by police are often violent, sudden and rapidly unfolding. Law enforcement officers are forced to make split-second decisions that might have life altering consequences in a fraction of a moment. They need to be protected from the clarity of 20/20 hindsight.
For decades, law enforcement agencies have developed training and policies to help guide officers actions and to help them navigate the uncertain terrain of violent encounters. They are equipped with specialized tools to help them control situations with finesse while orchestrating as peaceful an ending as possible. For all of the training, guidance and equipment the public has come to expect a lot out of its enforcers For the most part communities stand shoulder to shoulder with their officers against crime and they are often willing to accept the imperfect outcomes of police use of force.
In 2005, the State of Florida passed sweeping legislation that allowed all persons, not just police officers, to stand their ground against an imminent assault for the purpose of self defense or the defense of others. Previously, average citizens had a duty to retreat from a threat and a duty to desist from engaging an overt physical attack upon them. Stemming from English Common Law, citizens were required to retreat "until their backs were against the wall." But that all changed in response to the proliferation of home invasions and carjackings observed in the 80s and 90s. Legislators recognized the many problems associated with requiring citizens to flee from their homes or cars simply to avoid conflict with the trespasser. Rather, the news laws now allowed citizens to stand up against personal invasion and to protect themselves or their property with violence if necessary. Within a few years, several other States adopted some version of Florida’s stand your ground provisions availing new self-protection rights to millions of Americans.
The consequence of this sweeping legislation is that it brought the average citizen in a very important way on par with law enforcement officers. Though it is true that average Americans still cannot generally use physical force to make arrests or prevent a prisoner's escape, they can now use force to protect themselves or others and they can do it without first retreating or desisting from the threat of an attack. The public, including law enforcement, has been slow to realize that now many American's in Stand your Ground States have a legal right to protect themselves using force, including deadly force if necessary and are now equally protected criminally and civilly in the hindsight of the violence.
The major difference between police investigations of law enforcment use of force and civilian use of force is in the presumption that a crime has been committed during the initial onset of the investigation. As I previously noted, it is naturally assumed that when a police officer causes injury or death to another, that the use of violence was necessary to effect some lawful objective (make arrests, prevent escapes or self-defense).The investigator will often tackle the investigation looking for evidence to tell the story of why the law enforcement officer was required to use force. This is a psychological phenomena known as confirmation bias.
The police officer who was involved in the use of force is almost immediately sent home after a quick debriefing. He or she is given time to rest, collect their thoughts, talk to a union attorney or private attorney (or both), given time to sleep (generally 24-72 hours) before writing a formatted report describing his or her actions. All of this is usually done before the officer is exposed to a formal criminal interview. Quite often the police officer is provided a force matrix and specific language that is used to account for and describe the officer's reasons for using force. In other words, police officers who use force are provided significant resources by the criminal justice system to justify their actions. By the time a formal statement is given, it is highly refined and brilliantly polished in anticipation of the coming media and judicial enquiries. Again, this is not to suggest or imply that anything is wrong or corrupt with this practice. It is part of organizational professionalism to show how an officer's actions are consistent with policy and law.
Consider now what happens when a citizen uses violence in self defense. Like in the above description of events police investigators will show up to the scene to investigate. However, rather than naturally assuming the event was an act of self defense, the police investigator in the civilian case is looking for whether a crime has occurred (assault, battery, manslaughter, homicide, etc.). Raw violence often presents significant evidence that something terrible was perpetrated (blood, bruises, broken bones), particularly if the violence involves death. Without a pretext of self defense the bloody scene will often trigger a visceral effect in the investigator. Sometimes the only living witness is the one who used force and the investigator will often assume that anything that is said will be self serving. In this situation there is not a natural expectation on the part of the investigator that what they are observing might be a legal act of self defense.
The actual victim, considering that the one who used force acted in self defense, will be immediately handcuffed and read his or her rights. They will be implicitly encouraged to not speak as any thing they say can and will be used against them. They will be immediately brought to the police station in the back of a police car. They will not be released or given time to rest, they will not be provided charts and language to justify their actions. They will be presented with a criminal interview immediately and their words, if they choose to speak, will be used against them...